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Native SaintsNative Saints

    The Northwestern Shoshone Mission

    In the mid-1870s, approximately one thousand Shoshone sought baptism into the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in what is termed here the Northwestern Shoshone Mission.1 These baptisms occurred in the wake of reported spiritual manifestations that convinced the Shoshone that affiliating with the Latter-day Saints was their people’s most viable path forward in a rapidly changing world. Between 1873 and 1883, these Shoshone worked closely with George Washington Hill and other missionaries not only to learn Latter-day Saint religion and practices but also to establish a series of farming communities within the Northwestern Shoshone debia’, or homeland, in northern Utah and southern Idaho territories. Inadequate water and timber, combined with hostility from non-Latter-day Saints, tested the Shoshone Saints’ commitment to their new faith. Although a majority of the Shoshone who were baptized during the 1870s did not maintain lasting ties with the church, a core group of about three hundred Shoshone Saints persevered and founded Washakie, four miles south of the Utah-Idaho border as a farming and religious community.

    During the decade following the Bear River Massacre of 1863, the Northwestern Shoshone struggled to maintain their customary lifeways within their debia’ as Euro-American Latter-day Saints rapidly transformed its most fertile valleys into agricultural settlements. Although the 1863 Treaty of Box Elder promised government annuities, these resources were not always delivered when they were most needed. The Northwestern Shoshone also incorporated regular visits to Latter-day Saint storehouses and private residences into their seasonal subsistence migrations.2

    Beginning in the late 1860s, United States Indian Office officials sought to consolidate Shoshone people in Idaho and Utah territories onto the Fort Hall Reservation in southeastern Idaho.3 These officials took the Jeffersonian view that, just as Europeans had progressed beyond a “savage” state of nature reliant on hunting and gathering, Native people could similarly advance to “civilization” by embracing sedentary agriculture, English-language education, and Christianity. Convinced that Euro-American civilization was superior as well as inevitable, these officials believed that Natives, if they wanted to survive as individuals, had no choice but to abandon their traditional lifeways. From this perspective, the government and institutions such as churches had an obligation to aid Natives in their transformational journey. Natives would give up claims to their homelands in exchange for reservations, which, according to advocates of this view, would function as “schools of industry and civilization” to facilitate the incorporation of Indigenous peoples into the surrounding society.4

    Although some Northwestern Shoshone dai’gwahni’, or chiefs, such as Pocatello made the move to Fort Hall, others resisted removal and distrusted the federal government.5 In late 1871, Euro-American Latter-day Saint interpreter and missionary Dimick B. Huntington wrote that dai’gwahni Sagwitch, Little Soldier, and “Mosho” “feel hard towards the Goverment about their Lands,” title to which had not been extinguished by the Treaty of Box Elder of 1863. Not only had they not been compensated for their lands, the situation among the Ute at the Uinta Reservation in eastern Utah Territory left the Shoshone very concerned. “Every thing that the Goverment does it disgusts the Indian more & more,” Huntington reported. The dai’gwahni asked the interpreter to “Write to Brigham [Young] we are all his friends, not to be broken by the Gentiles,” or non-Latter-day Saints. The Northwestern Shoshone planned to hold a council the following spring to determine what they would do.6

    During summer 1872, Northwestern Shoshone under the leadership of dai’gwahni’ Sagwitch and fellow tribal leader John Moemberg, also known as Ech-up-wy, were camping near the Great Salt Lake. Three strangers who appeared to be Natives approached the lodge that Sagwitch and John were sharing and presented the two leaders with a copy of the Book of Mormon, explaining that “it is the book of your people.” The Shoshone leaders understood from the visitors that they should affiliate with the Latter-day Saints. Moemberg later told a Euro-American missionary that the visitors told him that “he must go to the ‘Mormons,’ and they would tell him what to do, and that he must do it; that he must be baptized, with all his Indians.” The leaders then reported seeing visions of Native people living in houses and farming in northern Utah. When the visions closed, the strangers were gone.7 While Sagwitch and John presumably understood their experience initially in terms of bo’ha, or power conveyed by spirit guides, some Euro-American Latter-day Saints interpreted the spiritual manifestation as a visitation of the “Three Nephites” mentioned in the Book of Mormon.8

    During subsequent months, Sagwitch and John persuaded their Northwestern Shoshone kin to take “up some land somewhere and farm like white people.”9 In spring 1873, they asked George Washington Hill—who had learned Shoshone as a missionary in Idaho Territory in the 1850s—to teach them the gospel. After conferring with church leaders and arranging his work schedule, on 5 May 1873 Hill visited the Northwestern Shoshone encampment on the Bear River, near present-day Deweyville, Utah. Surprised that the Northwestern Shoshone were expecting him, as he himself did not know when his work schedule would permit the visit, Hill learned that Sagwitch had foreseen his arrival in a bo’ha vision. After preaching in Shoshone for about an hour, Hill baptized and confirmed more than one hundred members of the group.10 Three days later Sagwitch, John, and two other Shoshone men traveled to Salt Lake City, where they were ordained elders in the Melchizedek Priesthood.11

    Like other Euro-Americans, Latter-day Saints assumed that evangelizing Natives would include not only religious instruction, but also endeavors to “gradually bring them in to civilization.”12 Over the next several years, Hill and other missionaries worked with Sagwitch and his people to establish farming communities within the Northwestern Shoshone debia’ where they could learn Euro-American agricultural methods, Latter-day Saint beliefs and practices, and the cultural norms of the broader settler society. At times, the Shoshone Saints mirrored this language, explaining through interpreters that they “desired to become civilized, build, plant, and become like their white brethren.”13 Their bo’ha visions had led them in this direction, but as resilient Natives had often done, Sagwitch and John were evidently adapting new ideas and technologies—in this case, Latter-day Saint Christianity and agricultural methods—to ally with the surrounding settler society in order to preserve their own community and culture.14

    In May 1874, the Shoshone converts worked with Hill to identify a site by Franklin, Idaho Territory, near a traditional wintering campground, where they hoped to establish a viable farm. The following month, Weber Valley dai’gwahni’ Little Soldier, his wife, Mary, and other members of his kin group were baptized in Cub Creek, a tributary of the Bear River, and joined the fledgling community.15 A correspondent for The Salt Lake Daily Herald who was in Franklin described Sagwitch as about “sixty years old, and five feet eight inches in his moccasins.” The Bear River Massacre survivor gave a “quite eloquent” discourse on his “love and friendship for the whites” and his “desire to live in peace.”16 During summer 1874, the Northwestern Shoshone helped dig a local irrigation canal and planted crops, built fences, and made other improvements. However, the Franklin area proved unsatisfactory to the Shoshone, and they returned to winter at Promontory near the Great Salt Lake.17

    Undeterred, in early 1875 the Shoshone and Hill planned a new community outside Bear River City in Box Elder County between the Bear and Malad rivers.18 Strengthening their connection to the faith, in February Sagwitch and his wife, Mo-yo-gah, were the first of several Shoshone couples endowed and sealed in the Salt Lake City Endowment House that year.19 Two Shoshone members of the community who had been raised in white Latter-day Saint households—James Brown and James Laman (also known as Nan-oke-to-enip)—served as interpreters in the Endowment House.20

    By that summer, interest in the Northwestern Shoshone’s Latter-day Saint alternative to the reservations had circulated among Shoshone and Bannock at Fort Hall and Eastern Shoshone at the Wind River Reservation in Wyoming Territory.21 In early May, Pocatello was baptized in Salt Lake City.22 In the three months that followed, over 800 Shoshone and Bannock were baptized by Hill in the Bear River and joined the burgeoning Latter-day Saint Native community.23

    By mid-August 1875, the non-Latter-day Saint citizens of the nearby town of Corinne, Utah, grew alarmed that the number of Latter-day Saint Shoshone at the farm had exploded from approximately one hundred and fifty to nearly a thousand in a matter of months. Falsely claiming that Hill was manipulating the Shoshone to attack the town, representatives from Corinne demanded that federal troops disperse the Shoshone. Negotiating for his people, Sagwitch asked the representatives “what he had Done who he had killed or what he had stolen that [they] must come with [their] soldiers to Drive him from the Bread he had been working for all summer.” Despite this plea, most of the recent Shoshone arrivals were required to return to Fort Hall and Wind River under threat of physical expulsion from the farm.24 As Northwestern Shoshone historian Mae Timbimboo Parry concluded, this was “a high price to pay for civilization as expounded by the whites.”25

    The “Corinne Scare” was a difficult blow to the nascent Northwestern Shoshone Latter-day Saint community, but a core group of converts persisted. Among them was John, who worked with Hill to compose a letter to the non–Latter-day Saint citizens of Corinne. Writing as “Indian John,” as he was known by the settlers, he asserted his identity as one of the original inhabitants of the land. “My fathers bones lie on this soil and my mothers as well, and I claim the privilege of laying mine with theirs.” He averred that he had “not gone into the white man’s country and intruded on him,” and he did not think it was fair for settlers to “drive [him] from [his] own lands without any cause.” Despite opposition, he explained that the Northwestern Shoshone did “not want to give it up and stop at this, but want to continue and make a success of [their] farming experiment yet for the benefit of [their] people.”26 In other words, John had adopted farming, not primarily to assimilate, but instead to preserve his people.

    The following year, John and other leading Shoshone Saints worked with Hill—who raised donations from church members and helped with paperwork—to apply for homesteads near the present-day town of Tremonton, Utah Territory. Gaining legal title to their land would ensure that they could not be driven again.27 Hill called this community Lemuel’s Garden, a reference to a figure in the Book of Mormon.28 Although Sagwitch was likely supportive of these efforts, he evidently relocated to Fort Hall for a few years following the troops’ dispersal of the Shoshone from the farm outside Corinne, fearing a repeat of the Bear River Massacre.29

    Brigham Young reported in September 1876 that the Shoshone Saints had “teachers . . . of their own people.” In addition, “they hold their meetings and pray and preach as intelligently as their white brethren.”30 For visual instruction, they likely used a panorama painted by Latter-day Saint artist C. C. A. Christensen with eleven panels that depicted scenes from the Bible, Book of Mormon, and early Latter-day Saint history.31 Around this time, Euro-Americans began referring to John as a “bishop” or as “Bishop John,” evidently an honorific title that recognized his leadership in the community.32 Ecclesiastically, the mission remained under the direction of Euro-American missionaries, with Isaac E. D. Zundel replacing Hill as president of the mission in fall 1877.33 The following year, the Shoshone Saints constructed a meetinghouse at Lemuel’s Garden that served as a place of worship, a school, and mission headquarters.34 They also contributed their labor to help build the Logan Temple in Cache Valley between 1877 and 1883.35

    Even as the Shoshone became more comfortable in the church, they also grew increasingly frustrated with their farmland along the Malad River. Hill reported that the Shoshone “say they understand mormonism now and like it well,” but lamented that “their white Brethren have taken up all the best land that is situated close to water and timber and they [the Shoshone] have to take up with that that is not so good.” The Shoshone “feel poor and weak and they think that their white Brethren had ought to turn out and help them to get a start.”36 Apostle Lorenzo Snow subsequently reported that “It seems to be a feeling among the Indians that they are not very generously treated by our people in settling them on lands with no water and scarcity of grass, wood & building materials, & a poor dry soil, while we have appropriated to ourselves all the good lands, wood, water & grass.”37

    In response to these concerns, church leaders relocated the mission to a large farm about three miles south of Portage, Utah Territory, in April 1880. Over the next year, the Shoshone began work on an irrigation canal and started planting crops.38 In September, Elder Lorenzo Snow ordained Zundel to the office of bishop “over the Indian Ward.”39 By October 1881, the new community was sufficiently established that the meetinghouse the Shoshone had built at Lemuel’s Garden was moved to their new location.40 On 17 October 1881, President John Taylor and the First Presidency visited the new settlement and preached to the assembled Shoshone in their meetinghouse. It was likely during this meeting that the community was named Washakie, after the prominent Shoshone dai’gwahni’ in Wyoming.41 Over subsequent years, Zundel continued to fill out the Washakie Ward’s organization, adding a Sunday School, youth organizations, and a Relief Society, turning a mission into a Native Latter-day Saint congregation.42

    Cite this page

    The Northwestern Shoshone Mission, Native Saints, accessed May 28, 2026 https://www.churchhistorianspress.org/native-saints/essays/the-northwestern-shoshone-mission

      Footnotes

      1. [1]The name Northwestern Shoshone Mission is an editorial title adopted here to reflect that the geographic boundaries of the mission coincided generally with the Northwestern Shoshone debia’. The mission was known variously as the “Lamanite Mission,” “Indian Mission,” or “Indian Farm” in the 1870s and early 1880s. At times, it was referred to by its proximity to the Malad or Bear rivers, but no single term that was used contemporaneously encompasses the geographic extent of the mission. (George Washington Hill, Missionary Report, 1 Oct. 1876, pp. 2, 12, Church History Library, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City [Church History Library hereafter cited as CHL]; George Washington Hill to Brigham Young, 25 Aug. 1875, Brigham Young Office Files, 1832–78, CHL; Isaac E. D. Zundel to John Taylor, 20 Aug. 1878, First Presidency (John Taylor) Correspondence, 1877–87, CHL; William Lee, Journal, 23–25 Mar. 1883, CHL.)

      2. [2]Glossary: “Debia’”; Brigham D. Madsen, The Northern Shoshoni (Caxton Printers, 1980), 37–41; Brigham D. Madsen, Chief Pocatello: The “White Plume” (University of Utah Press, 1986), 65–93; John W. Heaton, “‘No place to pitch their teepees’: Shoshone Adaptation to Mormon Settlers in Cache Valley, 1855–70,” Utah Historical Quarterly 63, no. 2 (1995): 158–71; see also “The Northwestern Shoshone and the Latter-day Saints”; and “George Washington Hill,” Church History Biographical Database, history.churchofjesuschrist.org.

      3. [3]Gregory E. Smoak, Ghost Dances and Identity: Prophetic Religion and American Indian Ethnogenesis in the Nineteenth Century (University of California Press, 2006), 95–112; Report of Special Commissioners J. W. Powell and G. W. Ingalls [. . .] (Washington, DC, 1874), 22.

      4. [4]Francis Paul Prucha, The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians (University of Nebraska Press, 1984), 135–58; Report of Special Commissioners, 25; see also Bernhard W. Sheehan, Seeds of Extinction: Jeffersonian Philanthropy and the American Indian (University of North Carolina Press, 1973).

      5. [5]Madsen, Chief Pocatello, 65–93; Report of Special Commissioners, 8, 20.

      6. [6]Dimick B. Huntington to George A. Smith, 11 Dec. 1871, George A. Smith Papers, 1834–77, CHL; biography of Sagwitch Timbimboo; “Dimick Baker Huntington,” and “Little Soldier,” Church History Biographical Database, history.churchofjesuschrist.org.

      7. [7]John Moemberg’s account, recorded by George Hill at a time when Sagwitch was evidently living in Idaho, emphasized John’s own experience with the three men. Tradition preserved in the Timbimboo family, however, indicated that the two leaders were together during the visionary encounter. (Biography of John Moemberg; George Washington Hill, “An Indian Vision,” Juvenile Instructor (Salt Lake City), 1 Jan. 1877, 11; Mae Timbimboo Parry, Account of Vision, n.d., copy in possession of Bradley Parry.)

      8. [8]David W. Evans, “Discourse by Elder Orson Pratt,” Deseret News (Salt Lake City), 3 Mar. 1875, 69; David W. Evans, “Remarks by Elder Orson Hyde,” Deseret News, 12 May 1875, 228; David W. Evans, “Discourse by Elder Orson Pratt,” Deseret News, 30 June 1875, 340; see also Quincy D. Newell, “Apocalypse Here: Reading the Natural World in Native American Mormon Visions,” American Studies 58, no. 1 (2019): 5–24; and Christopher James Blythe, Terrible Revolution: Latter-day Saints and the American Apocalypse (Oxford University Press, 2020), 120–22.

      9. [9]Washakie Ward Manuscript History and Historical Reports, 1847, 1874–1965, image 21, CHL.

      10. [10]George Washington Hill, Journal, p. 1, George W. Hill Collection, 1840–1908, CHL; George Washington Hill to Brigham Young, 6 May 1873, Brigham Young Office Files, CHL; George Washington Hill, “My First Day’s Work,” Juvenile Instructor, 25 Dec. 1875, 309; Washakie Ward Manuscript History and Historical Reports, image 21, CHL; Ralph O. Brown, “The Life and Missionary Labors of George Washington Hill” (master’s thesis, Brigham Young University, 1956), 30–34, 59–60, http://hdl.lib.byu.edu/1877/etdm110.

      11. [11]Historical Department Office Journal, 1844–2023, vol. 32, p. 217, 8 May 1873, CHL.

      12. [12]Wilford Woodruff, in Journal of Discourses, 26 vols. (Liverpool, 1855–86), 15 July 1855, 9:227; Brigham Young to “Beloved Brethren,” 19 Mar. 1875, Brigham Young Office Files, CHL; see also Beverly Beeton, “Teach Them to Till the Soil: An Experiment with Indian Farms, 1850–1862,” American Indian Quarterly 3, no. 4 (1977–78): 299–320.

      13. [13]“The Twenty-Fourth in the Country,” Deseret Evening News (Salt Lake City), 27 July 1875, [2]; “Pioneers’ Day,” Ogden (Utah Territory) Junction, 28 July 1875, [2].

      14. [14]See David J. Silverman, introduction to Faith and Boundaries: Colonists, Christianity, and Community among the Wampanoag Indians of Martha’s Vineyard, 1600–1871 (Cambridge University Press, 2005); Colin G. Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America (Viking, 2007), chap. 6; Scott Richard Lyons, introduction to X-Marks: Native Signatures of Assent (University of Minnesota Press, 2010); and Linford D. Fisher, The Indian Great Awakening: Religion and the Shaping of Native Cultures in Early America (Oxford University Press, 2012), chap. 6.

      15. [15]George Washington Hill to Dimick B. Huntington, 8 June 1874, Historian’s Office History of the Church, 1839–ca. 1882, 2375–77, CHL; Hill, Journal, p. 1; Hill, Missionary Report, p. 2; Mae Timbimboo Parry, “The Northwestern Shoshone,” in A History of Utah’s American Indians, ed. Forrest S. Cuch (Utah State Division of Indian Affairs; Utah State Division of History, 2003), 32; “Mary Little Soldier,” Church History Biographical Database, history.churchofjesuschrist.org.

      16. [16]“Shoshone Indians,” Salt Lake Daily Herald, 9 Aug. 1874, [3].

      17. [17]Hill to Huntington, 8 June 1874; Hill, Missionary Report, p. 2; Washakie Ward Manuscript History and Historical Reports, image 21, CHL.

      18. [18]Hill, Missionary Report, pp. 2–3.

      19. [19]Endowment House Endowments of the Living, 1851–84, microfilm 183409, vol. J, p. 1, 22 Feb. 1875, FamilySearch Library, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City (FamilySearch Library hereafter cited as FSL); Endowment House Sealings of Couples, Living and by Proxy, 1851–89, microfilm 183400, vol. J, p. 193, 22 Feb. 1875, FSL; “Mo-yo-gah Timbimboo,” Church History Biographical Database, history.churchofjesuschrist.org.

      20. [20]Endowment House Endowments of the Living, 1851–84, microfilm 183409, vol. J, p. 4, 15 June 1875, FSL. See also “The Northwestern Shoshone and the Latter-day Saints”; and biographies of James Brown Sr. and James Laman.

      21. [21]Scott R. Christensen, Sagwitch: Shoshone Chieftain, Mormon Elder, 1822–1887 (Utah State University Press, 1999), 109–113.

      22. [22]“More Lamanites Baptized,” Deseret Evening News, 6 May 1875, [3]; Report of Special Commissioners, 8, 20.

      23. [23]Hill, Journal, 7 June–12 Aug. 1875; Hill, Missionary Report, pp. 3–6.

      24. [24]Hill, Journal, 10–12 Aug. 1875; Hill to Young, 25 Aug. 1875; see also Christensen, Sagwitch, chap. 4.

      25. [25]Parry, “Northwestern Shoshone,” 50; “Mae Olive Timbimboo,” Church History Biographical Database, history.churchofjesuschrist.org.

      26. [26]Indian John per George Washington Hill to “All White Men,” 31 Aug. 1875, Brigham Young Office Files, CHL.

      27. [27]Hill, Missionary Report, pp. 9–12; Christensen, Sagwitch, 104.

      28. [28]George Washington Hill to George Reynolds, 28 Jan. 1877, Brigham Young Office Files, CHL; see also Christensen, Sagwitch, chap. 5.

      29. [29]Sagwitch was not among those who applied for homesteads at Lemuel’s Garden in 1876. The Deseret News reported that following the Corinne crisis, Sagwitch had gone to Fort Hall, citing a fear of the soldiers and seeking assistance. A “Seg-witch” appeared on a Fort Hall census taken in November 1878, likely attesting to his residence there. (See Utah Tract Books, DGS 7115138, vol. 23, pp. 1, 4, familysearch.org; “The Attack on the Indians,” Deseret News, 3 Oct. 1877, 552; File No. 8864, Idaho Territory, 1878, NAID 143088162, Records of the Adjutant General’s Office, RG 94, National Archives, Washington, DC.

      30. [30]Brigham Young to Lot Smith and “the Other Presidents of Companies,” Sept. 1876, in Brigham Young Letterbook, vol. 14, 506–7, Brigham Young Office Files, CHL.

      31. [31]See Laura Allred Hurtado, “‘It Is Priceless’: C. C. A. Christensen’s Untitled [Huntington/Lamanite Panorama],” Pioneer 66, no. 1 (2019): 8–15; “Carl Christian Anthon Christensen,” Church History Biographical Database, history.churchofjesuschrist.org.

      32. [32]Young to Smith and “the Other Presidents of Companies,” Sept. 1876; George Washington Hill to Brigham Young, 15 Aug. 1876, Brigham Young Office Files, CHL; Mathew W. Dalton, Missionary Work, 1875–84, Excerpts from Mathew W. Dalton’s Manuscript History, 1850, 1875–84, 1918, CHL; George Q. Cannon, Journal, 17 Oct. 1881, Journal of George Q. Cannon, Church Historian’s Press, churchhistorianspress.org/george-q-cannon; “Bishop Zundell’s Wards,” Deseret Evening News, 9 Sept. 1884, [3]; Seymour B. Young to Wilford Woodruff and “Counselors,” 18 Feb. 1895, Wilford Woodruff Stake Correspondence Files, 1887–98, CHL. Although John was ordained an elder in 1873, there is no evidence that he was subsequently ordained a high priest, a requirement to serve as a bishop. (See “Bishop,” Church History Topics, churchofjesuschrist.org/study/history/topics; and biography of John Moemberg.)

      33. [33]Washakie Ward Manuscript History and Historical Reports, image 33, CHL; Isaac E. D. Zundel and John W. Hess to John Taylor, 5 Oct. 1877, First Presidency (John Taylor) Correspondence, CHL; William H. Danilson to E. A. Hayt, 22 Nov. 1877, Idaho Superintendency, 1877, NAID 163969167, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, RG 75, National Archives, Washington, DC; Hill, Missionary Report, p. 12; “Isaac Eberhard David Zundel,” Church History Biographical Database, history.churchofjesuschrist.org.

      34. [34]Isaac E. D. Zundel to John Taylor, 20 Aug. 1878, First Presidency (John Taylor) Correspondence, CHL; Isaac E. D. Zundel to John Taylor, 25 Sept. 1879, First Presidency (John Taylor) Correspondence, CHL; Washakie Ward Manuscript History and Historical Reports, image 33, CHL.

      35. [35]“Free Will Offerings of Box Elder Stake of Zion to Logan Temple from May 1877 to April 1st 1880,” Charles O. Card Papers Pertaining to the Logan Temple, 1871–84, CHL; see, for example, Logan Temple Financial Records, 1877–1914, Journal, 1878–80, p. 68, 24 Aug. 1878; Journal, 1880–83, p. 415, 31 Mar. 1883, CHL.

      36. [36]Hill to Young, 15 Aug. 1876.

      37. [37]Lorenzo Snow, E. F. Sheets, and Henry Tingey to John Taylor and Council, 1 Apr. 1880, Brigham City Mercantile and Manufacturing Association Records, 1865–95, CHL.

      38. [38]Washakie Ward Manuscript History and Historical Reports, image 35, CHL; Snow, Sheets, and Tingey to Taylor and Council, 1 Apr. 1880; see also “Memoranda of Sale and Agreement,” 15 Apr. 1880, in Colen Sweeten Jr., “Project of the LDS Church,” in Malad Idaho Stake Centennial History Book, 1888–1988, 155; Isaac E. D. Zundel, Alexander Hunsaker, and Moroni Ward to John Taylor, 23 May 1880, First Presidency (John Taylor) Correspondence, CHL; Isaac E. D. Zundel to John W. Hess, 9 Apr. 1881, First Presidency (John Taylor) Correspondence, CHL.

      39. [39]Isaac E. D. Zundel to Orson Pratt, 9 Apr. 1881, Historian’s Office Correspondence Files, 1856–1926, CHL; Zundel-Ward Family Record, ca. 1880–1910, p. 9, 3 Sept. 1880, CHL.

      40. [40]Box Elder Stake General Minutes, 1877–1906, 1919–27, Priesthood Meeting Minutes, 1877–1902, p. 82, 1 Oct. 1881, CHL.

      41. [41]Cannon, Journal, 17 Oct. 1881; “The First Presidency and Party,” Deseret Evening News, 21 Oct. 1881, [3].

      42. [42]See “The Washakie Ward.”